Women’s Power Essays

Women’s Power Essays Women’s Power Essay Women’s Power Essay Simone De Beauvoir is regarded to be rationalistic and Eurocentric. Furthermore, the contemporary feminist theorists think of her to be male-biased and opinions on Beauvoir’s works to be simply valued for historical reasons. It was also told that her ideas were generally outdated. These opinions had been spreading in the 1999 during the Fiftieth Anniversary of â€Å"The Second Sex† conference in Paris (Wyatt, 2007). Upon reading Simone De Beauvoir’s essays, it can be noted, though not obviously or greatly evident that Beauvoir’s philosophy includes a lot of very important insights for feminism, both contemporary and future feminism. Simone de Beauvoir believes that the existence precedes essence (Blunden, 1997). In this sense, Beauvoir greatly believes that an individual was not born as a woman. As such, an individual only becomes a woman if she becomes one. Beauvoir also believes that women, as placed in the context of being the â€Å"other†, are in a situation wherein men put a certain â€Å"mystery† around them. Men try to stereotype women in order to gain or have an excuse to create a society where men would dominate or thus obtain a patriarchy within the society. Women’s roles are shrouded with this false â€Å"mystery† that men place unto them. As such, oppression of women is often present in a patriarchal society, where men tend to tell everything that they need to do. There is a certain hierarchy placed in the society, where men are above, and the women below or under them. This certain mystery also occurs on other things, which may include religion, class or even in races. Regarding the slogan, â€Å"Come along way† (baby)? , in the point of view of Simone de Beauvoir, women may not have arrived because of men’s oppression or their â€Å"mysterious† state because of men. For Beauvoir, if feminism is still not present up to this day, then it did not exist even before. Though, women did come along way or need to travel a long way in order to reach or arrive in a situation where the society is no longer patriarchal. Women can only be said to have arrived if there is equality among the sexes and that women is treated as a human being, not just as the other. On the other hand, if feminism is indeed present or achieved today, then we can say that women had already arrived. In the society, man dictates the definition of women. She is characterized in relation to man; to him and not to herself. Furthermore, man can still think of himself even if woman is not present. Unlike the man, being the â€Å"other†, a woman is not able or cannot think of her self without the presence of man. Arriving at the end of woman’s journey would be difficult. In this sense, woman would need more effort for they lack the concrete means of organizing themselves. They do not have the enough capabilities to be united and stand against the other and they continue to be overshadowed by the other sex’s power. According to Beauvoir, woman has no past, no religion of their own and has no history and that she is generally dependent on man (Blunden, 1997). Throughout the course of time, as society evolves, feminism continues to live in struggle in a patriarchal society. The classes, races, religion, science and even in economics, throughout the history of humans, women are always undermined by man, though her situation is changing from one point of time to the other. They are some points in history where the battle of the sexes, the equality of men and women, had been going on and in some point, stops. But one thing is for sure, man dread feminine competition. This is probably why woman would have a hard time arriving at a place that they want to be. Estelle B. Freedman is a U. S. historian and she is well-versed in the field of feminist studies and is a co-founder of a program regarding feminist studies (Freedman, 2007). Her specialization is women’s history and social reform. She had already been recognized for her works and exemplary essays. For Freedman, feminism does not fully exist, rather it is unwell and is still being reassessed and restored to its strength with great importance and vitality. Despite the fact that she also believes that feminism has a very good future and has exceptional and unparalleled history. Freedman also believes that it requires great effort and so much work to do for women to attain the true equality and obtain real power that is parallel to that of which men have.

The Time Traveller is a man impossible to sympathise with Essay Example

The Time Traveller is a man impossible to sympathise with Essay Example The Time Traveller is a man impossible to sympathise with Paper The Time Traveller is a man impossible to sympathise with Paper despite the fact that the Eloi are teaching him their language. This is also an example of irony, as they are teaching him, not him teaching them. However, the Time Travellers feeling of superiority fails to make him realise the ironic side of what he thinks. The Time Traveller feels that he is more intelligent and knowledgeable than his guests. In discussions with his guests he oozes confidence, helping him to put points forward, and speaks adding emphasis to certain phrases, by pausing, for example. An example of this is: ` Scientific People, proceeded the Time Traveller, after the pause required for the proper assimilation of this In the meetings between him and his guests, he is always the person always putting the points forward and deciding where the conversation goes: ` Can an instantaneous cube exist? Also, the Time Traveller always makes his guests subservient in the arguments, which again aids him in putting his points forward. Whenever one of his guests tries to challenge his dominance, the Time Traveller says something to put them back into their more subsidiary position in the discussion. An example of this is: ` said the Medical Man May I have them? (referring to flowers). `The Time Traveller hesitated. Then suddenly: Certainly not. This again reminds us of his confidence and attitude towards his guests. On several occasions the Time Traveller sees examples of the Morlocks ntelligence (their machinery, their attempts to trap him in both the forest and the pedestal) but does not take it in, because of his arrogance. Therefore, he never learns from his mistakes, and so repeats them. For example, when he goes into the dark wood inadequately armed, and nearly gets killed, he does not learn from this. Therefore, when he goes into the pedestal, a perfect place to become trapped in, and he only has a couple of matches, and nothing with which to light them. I was in the dark trapped. So the Morlocks thought. At that I chuckled gleefully But I had overlooked ne thing. The matches were of the abominable kind that only light on the box. On that occasion, it is also ironic that the Time Traveller ` could not help but laugh bitterly at (his) confidence. On the following page he becomes over-confident once more. In several places in the book, the Time Traveller is over-confident and under-pr epared, not just with the Morlocks. He never properly thought through what it would be like if the Time Machine worked. Despite the fact that he is meant to be an intelligent and logically thinking scientist, he never even considered what he should bring to e prepared for example, if the machine were to work. Therefore, it is ironic when he wishes that he had brought a camera with him, when he has travelled into the future. When he is ready to go, he has panicky, second thoughts ` I suppose a suicide who holds a pistol to his skull feels pretty much the same wonder at what will come next So for all his intelligence, confidence and knowledge, the Time Traveller lacks much common sense. He is therefore arrogant, over-confident and under-prepared going into new situations. This makes it difficult to sympathise with him when things start to go wrong. It is easy to see that the Time Traveller is intelligent, but he can become irritatingly smart. For example: ` I had a score of noun substantives at least at my command; and then I got onto demonstrative pronouns, and even the verb `to eat. ` My museum hypothesis was confirmed. This is pretentious; and it is probable that the reader is led to dislike the Time Traveller; so that when he gets into tricky situations, the reader is not meant to feel too much towards him. It is only halfway through he book that the reader can start sympathising with the Time Traveller. This is when more of his haracter is revealed; underneath the confidence and arrogance is a more agreeable side. Here he admits that he feels for Weena; and when she is gone, he is depressed. However, despite the fact that he likes her; she is described by him as physically `frail and `like a child. Also, intellectually, he treats her with disdain, and talks of her in a condescending manner, saying things such as ` I thought, rather foolishly that Weena might help me to interpret this. Although Wells has cleverly brought in the caring side of the Time Travellers character gradually, he has made the Time Traveller rrogant, over-confident and egotistical throughout the book. One of the best examples of this, after the other caring side of his character has properly been introduced, is when he goes into the wood. He believed at the time, that building a fire was ` n ingenious move for covering (his) retreat. Relying upon being able to light a fire is not the best protection, especially as several hundred Morlocks surrounded them at the time. It is also ironic when the Time Traveller laughs at the fire he has made, and walks away further into the wood, and further away from the little protection that he has. These examples show us that despite more of his character being revealed so that the reader can sympathise with him, he is still arrogant and over-confident, not realising what dangerous positions he is in. When Weena `dies the Time Traveller realises he likes her, and his affection for her is more openly indicated. For example: ` (her death) seemed an overwhelming calamity. His relationship with her previously had grown very gradually. When he saved her from drowning, in his usual condescending and intransigent way, he assumed that was it, and that there would be no proper friendship. Treating he Eloi race with his normal disdain, the Time Traveller expected that he would never be thanked for saving her, as he says: ` I had got to such a low estimation of her kind that I did not expect any gratitude from her. This reminds us again of his arrogance. The last example in the book of his affection for her is: ` But my story slips away from me as I speak of her. This shows, in a comment to his guests, that he is still thinking of her in an affectionate manner when she is gone. The two examples of his thoughts on their friendship (one at the beginning, one after Weena has gone), shows how much the friendship ad developed. Despite the two very different sides of his character, there are events that occur to link them. When the Time Traveller fights the Morlocks in the forest, and they are ` blinded by the raging fire, he is clearly enjoying the ` succulent giving of flesh under (his) blows, while in ` a frenzy of fear. The Time Traveller might want revenge for whatever has happened to Weena, but still lacks common sense, and ` not realising their blindness, he ` struck furiously at them. Although he instantly regrets this, which is, again, quite ironic. Furthermore, the different sides of his haracter can be linked when he is in the Palace of Green Porcelain. There he describes Weena as quite unintelligent, but two pages later, he almost praises her for making him realise that the floor sloped down underground towards the Morlocks. Here the Time Traveller treats the Elois intelligence with his usual disdain and condescension, but praises Weena, an Eloi, indicating that he likes her. The Time Traveller is not a very sympathetic character, but it is possible to sympathise with him. I believe it is definitely Wells intention to make the reader change his or her view about the Time Traveller, and to become more sympathetic towards him. Throughout the book, the Time Traveller is arrogant, over-confident and lacks common sense. Until his relationship with Weena begins, it is very difficult, if not impossible, to gain the readers sympathy. There are some subtle remarks made by the Time Traveller about his relationship with her, but he does not consciously realise that he likes her until her disappearance. Only then he actually realises her affection for her. Due to his continued arrogance, however, it is not possible to sympathise a great deal with him.

Conflict of Interest between Owners and Operators Essay

Conflict of Interest between Owners and Operators - Essay Example This paper examines the nature of the duty to avoid a conflict of interest on the part of owners and operators in company law. This research, however, is industry based and focuses on the nature of that duty in the gas and oil industry. In this regard, the nature and legal consequences of oil and gas agreements are examined. Once the various methods for engaging oil and gas contracts are explained, this research then turns its attention to the law relative to the corporate duty to avoid a conflict of interest and how that duty is interpreted and applied by the courts. The duty is then tied together with the owner and operator of the oil and gas industries. It is a common principle of company law that directors are required to put the interest of the company first and to avoid situations in which there is not only a conflict of interest but that there is a possibility of a conflict of interest. This rule is generally treated by the courts as entirely inflexible. As such it places upon the operator in an oil and gas agreement an onerous and quite often insurmountable burden as these persons are almost always involved in situations where there is a possibility of a conflict of interest. However, some court judgments such as Bray and Ford have relaxed the inflexible rule, holding that not all transactions are necessarily improper or illegal. This ruling could ease the unrealistic burden on operators who quite often come into contact with persons and entities that might have an interest that calls upon the operator to exercise a duty that might conflict with the oil and gas company whom he/she represents and serves.

Critically disscuss the principles underpinning the doctrine of Essay

Critically disscuss the principles underpinning the doctrine of consideration and its necessity in english contract law - Essay Example This exchange is that exchange of consideration. Thus, if no consideration exists it holds that there is nothing on which to create or found liability. Reciprocal undertakings between the contracting parties have to be there. Promises by either of the parties have to be fulfilled. Therefore, if neither of the contracting parties promises or gives anything, there exists no consideration for the second party to promise or act. In the past, when contracts were entirely verbal, the English Common law never wanted to enforce any offers that were gratuitous, (that is, offers without anything in exchange). Thus, the criterion of consideration was added to the Common law. Judge Wilmot stated in his verdict in a 1765 case of Pillans vs Mierop, that consideration came in the times of verbal contracts and to such, the law required something to make agreements formal. This was to let the court determine at what point a deliberate undertaking took place to obligate oneself. Any contract which doe s not have consideration is called a nudum pactum. (duhaime.org, 2011) The doctrine of consideration attaches to itself several principles according to Ramsey and Thomas Telford limited in their book. These are very essential as per the book and they determine sufficiency and adequacy. These include the facts that consideration has to be sufficient or real, it has to be something besides the existing obligation to the contracting parties, it must not be a consideration for past contracts, it has to be given as a return to a prior promise, it must be economically valuable and it has to emanate from the party making a promise. (Ramsey and Thomas Telford Ltd, 2007 p 253) The study will narrow down on the principles, though. Focus will be on the main requirements for a contract to be considered valid. To this, four main principles will be put into consideration. Four main principles have to exist in a contract so as consideration to uphold or to be valid. These include the fact that con sideration has to be sufficient but not necessarily adequate, it is a must it be valuable, consideration has to come from the promisee to the promisor and it maybe executed or executor, though. Past consideration is not enough to and a promise. This, study is going to consider the four principles or requirements in detail and also in pursuit of understanding further the doctrine. The requirements are going to be tackled in the order in which they are stated. (Lisa, 2002) The major rule under consideration as Fisher and Greenwood state in their book is that it is a must consideration be sufficient be sufficient it is not a must it be adequate, though. To the adequacy issue, the book says that there is nothing amiss in purchasing a valuable item like a painting for an amount of USD 10. Fundamentally, consideration is just token showing a party’s intent in making a legal contract unlike a social non-biding agreement. This stated token involves the giving of a thing that is of va lue in line with the requirements of law. Consideration, thus, is no prove of fairness or equity in a contract, but it is just an evidence that there exists a legal and enforceable contractual agreement between the involved parties. This is in opposition to any social arrangement with no intent of a legal contract. Note that, the

Mohammed Morsi Essay Example for Free

Mohammed Morsi Essay The Muslim Brotherhoods Mohammed Morsi has become Egypts first freely elected president after a delayed announcement of the results of last weekends runoff. He beat former Prime Minister Ahmed Shafiq by more than almost 900,000 votes. Morsi secured 51.7% of the vote, compared to 48% for Shafiq. Mohammed Morsi heads the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the Muslim Brotherhood’s political arm. Mubarak appointed Shafik as prime minister in response to the protests against his regime. Shafik resigned a little more than a month later amid protests decrying him as a holdover from a discredited, ousted regime. Supports the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF): â€Å"SCAF is serious about power handover and is seeking to achieve the goals of the revolution. SCAF stands at an equal distance from all political and religious powers.† Parliamentary elections: the Muslim Brotherhoods Freedom and Justice party seems set to emerge as the biggest winner, with some analysts estimating it will capture about 40% of seats in the new legislature. Al-Nour, a more conservative Salafist party, looks likely to secure second place. The Muslim Brotherhood (known in Arabic as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimeen) is Egypts oldest and largest Islamist organization. As the most organized opposition group following the ouster of former President Hosni Mubarak in 2011, the Brotherhood became the countrys dominant political force, winning a near majority of seats in the post-revolution parliament, and its candidate, Mohammed Morsi, winning the presidency. Some Egyptians are concerned over the groups aim to establish a state ruled by sharia, or Islamic law, and ambiguity over its respect for human rights. Such concerns intensified after Morsi announced new sweeping powers for the presidency in late 2012 and a draft of theproposed constitution was published. The domestic political challenges also provide a difficult road for U.S.-Egypt relations, especially with regards to foreign aid. The Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), the political party of the Muslim Brotherhood, could not have come into being without the 25 January revolution. Up to that time, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Egypt’s most powerful Islamist organization, was not only denied the right to form parties, but also barred – at least legally – from political life. As a result, the group had to pay a heavy price in detentions and repression to practice politics under the rule of former President Hosni Mubarak. The group had been trying to get a foothold in the country’s political arena for decades but was met with entrenched opposition by the Mubarak regime, which tended to accommodate the Brotherhood, but only within strict limits. Now, after the 25 January uprising, the group’s political ambitions have resurged on an unprecedented scale. Officially founded in May 2011, the FJP says that it is committed to a modern state, democracy, women’s rights, and national unity. The FJP’s initial membership of nearly nine thousand included one thousand women and one hundred Copts. New members are subject to a probationary period of six months after which, and based on their performance record, they become eligible for permanent membership. The FJP—along with the Salafist Al-Nour—is among a very few Egyptian political parties that issue probationary membership Formed alliance with name of Democratic Alliance (Freedom and Justice) Al-Nour Party Established in the wake of the 25 January uprising, Al-Nour (â€Å"The Light†) Party is the largest of Egypt’s three licensed Salafist parties (the other two being Al-Asala and Al-Fadila Parties). It was established by Al-Da‘wa Al-Salafiyya (â€Å"The Salafist Call†), Egypt’s largest Salafist group, commonly known as Al-Daawa Movement. Al-Daawa started in Alexandria where it now enjoys a considerable following. Al-Nour Party was officially licensed in June 2011. Official registration is of paramount importance in Egypt at the present time, as the current election law limits the right to contest two-thirds of the seats of the upcoming parliament to a limited number of officially registered parties, including Al-Nour. Under the rule of former President Hosni Mubarak, the state generally did not allow for the formation of Islamist parties, but after the revolution many Islamist groups managed  to obtain official political party license. The Islamist Bloc is an electoral coalition formed by three Islamist political parties with the aim to integrate their efforts in the upcoming parliamentary elections. The Islamist Bloc is comprised of the Salafist Al-Nour and Al-Asala Parties, as well as the Building and Development Party, the latter of which was founded by the Islamic Group (Al-Gamaa Al-Islamiya). Wafad party: Wafd Party is one of Egypt’s oldest liberal parties and is expected to play a significant role in the upcoming elections. With deposed President Hosni Mubarak’s ruling party officially disbanded, Wafd has emerged as an influential player in the political arena. The party commands the largest network that any political party in Egypt possesses today, covering major cities in twenty-four out of twenty-six Egyptian governorates. With a distinguished group of top Egyptian businessmen on its membership list, Al-Wafd stands out as one of the few established parties that do not face the same financial constraints that have historically challenged many of the country’s political parties. The party also enjoys a very strong presence in the media, thanks to its famous daily newspaper, its Internet portal, and a professional, well-equipped media department. Additionally, Wafd’s current leader Al-Sayed Al-Badawi is owner of Al-Hayat, one of Egypt’s top five television channels. Such are luxuries that very few Egyptian parties possess. Wafd’s history dates back to the beginning of party life under the monarchy, making it the oldest among existing Egyptian political parties. The name of the party is Arabic for â€Å"The Delegation,† and it references Saad Zaghloul’s attempt in 1919 to lead a popular delegation to the post-World War I Paris Peace Conference to demand independence for Egypt against the will of British occupation authorities. Threatened by the immense popular support that Zaghloul was able to garner for his mission, British authorities exiled the Egyptian nationalist leader along with members of the prospective delegation to Malta. This move instigated a mass uprising, which led to the 1919 Revolution. The Egyptian Bloc: The Egyptian Bloc consists of the Free Egyptians Party, the Egyptian Social Democratic Party and Al-Tagammu Party. The Bloc is often portrayed as a â€Å"secular-leaning† alliance that seeks to counterbalance the influence of the Muslim Brotherhoodin the upcoming elections, specifically the Brotherhood led Democratic Alliance’s electoral coalition. Members of the Bloc announced in early November that their partnership is not simply a short-term electoral coalition, but encompasses a long-term political alliance aimed at turning Egypt into a civil democratic state. Magdi Abdelhad:iMiddle East analyst The Islamists rise to power in Egypt will send shockwaves through the courts and palaces of conservative Arab kings and presidents who have tried for decades to put the lid on political Islam. But foremost among Egypts neighbours who watched the brotherhoods success with increasing alarm is Israel. Cairo was the first Arab state to sign a peace treaty with Israel and the brotherhood has traditionally been vehemently opposed to that. But its opposition has softened over the years at least publicly. It is widely believed that the Muslim Brotherhood have reassured Washington that an Islamist government in Egypt would respect the peace deal with Israel. Given also that the ruling military council will continue to have the final say on matters of war and peace, it is unlikely that the brotherhood can put that peace at risk. It is also more likely that Mr Mursis immediate priority will be to concentrate on Egypts many daunting domestic problems including rampant poverty and unemployment. Debating leaders: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/21/opinion/21iht-edzewail21.html?pagewanted=all From the time of Ramses II, the strong pharaoh who ruled Egypt thousands of years ago, until last year when Hosni Mubarak’s reign ended, Egyptians were never able to witness a debate over who should take over the democratic reins in the highest office of the land. Our new culture of debate, together with the election of the Parliament last December, are milestones in the history of the nation, paving a new, but rocky, path toward democracy. The open debate between the secular and religious orientations of politics was  unthinkable over the past 60 years. This new openness means the Egyptian body politic is maturing. In the end, Egyptians know that, for the first time, they can choose their future. It won’t be dictated or imposed by anyone. Army protected revo: Unlike in nearby Syria or earlier in Libya, the Egyptian Army has taken the high road and protected the revolution in its infancy. And it has been the guardian of these unprecedented transparent elections. Problems: Among the most serious problems are economic hardship, the uncertainty of the political climate and the deterioration of security — a feature that Egyptian society faces anew. These problems have been compounded over the past 15 months as each of the three main constituencies involved in the revolution — the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), which is in charge of the transition period; the politically liberal as well as Islamic-oriented parties; and the youth who triggered the uprising — have stumbled in one way or another. Little bloodshed: It is a hopeful sign indeed that we Egyptians are still marching forward toward democracy with relatively little bloodshed. All signs indicate that a counterrevolution is not in store for Egypt. We will not turn back to a totalitarian governing system. Perhaps the most encouraging of all is the confidence of Egyptians in their future. In Egypt, a Victory for Democracy but Fear for the Future: http://www.businessweek.com/articles/2012-06-25/in-egypt-a-victory-for-democracy-but-fear-for-the-future â€Å"So many questions remain unanswered that what can best be said is that either SCAF and the Brotherhood have worked out a deal of some sort or the political jousting has only just begun,† wrote Issandr El Amrani, a popular blogger on Egyptian politics. â€Å"Both the Brothers and  SCAF have positioned themselves in a manner in which backing down from their respective positions on the question of parliament and the Supplemental Constitutional Declaration would be a loss of face.† Tensions ran high for two weeks, when the SCAF assumed legislative responsibilities after shutting down the Islamist-controlled Parliament, announced a Supplemental Constitutional Declaration that drastically reduced presidential powers, and gave themselves the ability to veto articles of drafts of Egypt’s new constitution. They also reintroduced martial law, allowing soldiers to arrest civilians. Critics called their actions a soft coup. The Muslim Brotherhood, the most powerful political player in Egypt, has on the surface refused to accept any of these decisions, staging a sit-in in Tahrir Square and issuing aggressive statements to the media, all the while vowing to pressure the military government to rescind their declarations. It was a rare move, as the pragmatic group is more generally known for cutting deals with the regime rather than going toe-to-toe. Last week, with the possibility of a victory by Ahmed Shafiq, the other candidate in the run-off election who is widely viewed as aligned with the military, the Brotherhood showed a willingness to work with the revolutionary groups it had mostly ignored since the uprising against Mubarak. Morsi pledged to form a national salvation government to include secular politicians, Christians, and women. â€Å"The big question is: Can they build a broader, more inclusive front that can effectively challenge SCAF’s grip on power?† asks Shadi Hamid, director of research at the Brookings Doha Center. â€Å"Now that fear [of Shafiq’s victory] has passed, is there still enough that binds [the opposition groups] together? I do think the Brotherhood has at least implicitly acknowledged the mistakes of recent months and they have tried to strike a more conciliatory tone, and the recognition that they can’t do this alone because they are fighting a very challenging adversary: SCAF and the old regime.† To add to the challenges of running a country with a crumbling economy, President Morsi won with a narrow margin, garnering 51.7 percent of the vote. He had promised to be the president of all Egyptians during his first address to the nation Sunday night . â€Å"The game was being played almost like a game of poker on both sides,† says Hani Shukrallah, managing editor of the English-language online version of the Al Ahramnewspaper. â€Å"If we have reached a compromise, that’s a bit helpful for healing the deep schisms  [within] society. We have a society that’s been split down the middle, with enormous polarization. Most of the people who voted for Morsi did so out of dread [of] Shafiq.† On a side street leading to Tahrir Square on Sunday night, Ehab El Shawi led his three children to the epicenter of the celebration in the birthplace of Egypt’s uprising. Like many, he was caught between rejoicing at the idea of a new president and the reality of the office’s lack of power. â€Å"This is the first time all Egyptian people made a choice in 7,000 years to elect a normal Egyptian citizen. This is the first time we have freedom in more than 60 years,† El Shawi said happily of the first non-military president in Egypt’s history. â€Å"But we have to change all the decisions taken during the presidential elections and force the powers to ensure Dr.Morsi will have all the power to make Egypt a modern country,† he added. â€Å"We still need to take Egypt back from the old regime. †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. Timeline: Anti-Mubarak protests 2010 February Former UN nuclear chief Mohammed ElBaradei returns to Egypt and, together with opposition figures and activists, forms a coalition for political change. ElBaradei says he might run in presidential election scheduled for 2011. 2010 March President Mubarak undergoes gall-bladder surgery in Germany, returning to Egypt three weeks later. 2010 June Muslim Brotherhood fails to win any seats in elections to the Shura consultative upper house of parliament; alleges vote was rigged. 2010 November Coptic Christians clash with police in Giza over construction of church. Parliamentary polls, followed by protests against alleged vote rigging. Muslim Brotherhood fails to win a single seat, though it held a fifth of the places in the last parliament. 2011 January 21 killed in bomb at church in Alexandria where Christians had gathered to mark the New Year. Anti-government demonstrations, apparently encouraged by Tunisian street protests which prompted sudden departure of President Ben Ali. President Mubarak reshuffles his cabinet but fails to placate demonstrators, whose calls for his resignation grow louder. Days later he promises to step down in September. 2011 February President Mubarak steps down and hands power  to the army council. 2011 March Egyptians approve package of constitutional reforms aimed at paving the way for new elections. 2011 April Former President Mubarak and his sons, Ala and Gamal, are arrested on suspicion of corruption. 2011 April-August Protests continue in Cairos Tahrir Square over slow pace of political change. Islamist groups come to the fore. Army finally disperses protestors in August. 2011 August Former President Mubarak goes on trial in Cairo, charged with ordering the killing of demonstrators earlier in the year. 2011 October Clashes between Coptic Christians and security forces kill 24 people. Egypt and Israel swap 25 Egyptians in Israeli custody for a US-Israeli citizen accused of spying. 2011 November Violence in Cairos Tahrir square as security forces clash with protesters accusing the military of trying to keep their grip on power. Prime Minister EssamSharaf resigns in response to the unrest. Start of parliamentary elections. 2011 December National unity government headed by new Prime Minister Kamal al-Ganzouri takes office. 2012 January Islamist parties emerge as victors of drawn-out parliamentary elections. 2012 March Pope Shenouda III, the veteran head of the Coptic Church, dies. 2012 April Crisis in relations with Saudi Arabia over the Saudi detention of an Egyptian lawyer briefly threatens the substantial aid that the Saudis provide Egypt. First free presidential poll 2012 May Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Mursi tops the first round of voting in first free presidential elections, narrowly ahead of Mubarak-era prime minister Ahmed Shafiq. Official media put turnout at a low 43%. Military leaders announce the end of the state of emergency in place since Anwar al-Sadats assassination in 1981, as its last renewal expires. 2012 June Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohammed Mursi narrowly wins presidential election.Armyvs civilian rule Court sentences ex-President Mubarak to life in prison for complicity in the killing of protesters during the 2011 uprising. 2012 July President Mursi submits to a Supreme Court ruling that the parliamentary elections were invalid, after initially ordering parliament to meet in defiance of a military decree dissolving it in June. 2012 August New prime ministerHishamQandil appoints a cabinet dominated by figures from the outgoing government, technocrats and Islamists, to the exclusion of secular parties. Islamist fighters attack an  army outpost in Sinai, killing 16 soldiers, and mount a brief incursion into Israel, highlighting the tenuousness of government control over the largely-lawless area. President Mursi dismisses Defence Minister Tantawi and Chief of Staff Sami Annan and strips military of say in legislation and drafting the new constitution. 2012 September Egypt kills 32 militants and destroys 31 smuggling tunnels to Gaza in an offensive against militants who attacked troops in Sinai in August. 2012 November Bishop Tawadros is chosen as the new pope of Egypts Coptic Christians. President Mursi issues a decree giving himself extensive new powers. The decree sparks angry demonstrations and is condemned by Egypts top judges, who accuse him of undermining the independence of the judiciary. The Islamist-dominated constituent assembly tasked with writing a new constitution approves all 234 articles of the draft constitution, which boosts the role of Islam in Egypts system of government. The assembly session is boycotted by liberal, left-wing and Christian members. The vote is held earlier than originally scheduled, after Egypts constitutional court threatened to dissolve the constituent assembly. http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13315719 †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ http://www.brookings.edu/research/reports/2012/01/23-egypt-indyk Prospects for Democracy in Egypt: Theres a conventional wisdom in the United States that Arabs are incapable of sustaining a true Western-style, liberal democracy. It will take them hundreds of years to acquire a democratic culture, the argument goes. And in the meantime new authoritarian regimes either Islamist or military will replace the ones that have been overthrown in the past year and give us all a lesson in Arab democracy. Advocates of this view were the first to announce, with all-knowing smiles, that the Arab Spring had become an Arab Winter. When Islamist parties won free and mostly fair elections in Tunisia, Egypt and Morocco in recent months, the proponents of this view had an I told you so moment and they were quick to denounce anybody who said otherwise as hopelessly naive. After a prolonged hibernation, politics has broken out in Cairo, the capital of the Arab Awakenings. For the first time in six decades people are acquiring a taste for freedom and, yes, Western-style democratic politics. The issues they debate so vigorously are critical to the shape of Egypts democratic future: What will be the residual powers of the Egyptian military? Whats the best model for dividing powers between the Presidency and the Parliament? What revisions should be made to the Constitution to ensure democratic rule? At the same time, the newly-elected parties are busy engaging in the horse-trading necessary to coalition politics, since no one party gained a majority (the Muslim Brotherhoods Freedom and Justice Party won around 47 percent of the vote; the Salafi Al-Nour Party won 25 percent, and a variety of liberal parties won the rest.). We were treated to an amazing sight: Salafi religious purists attempting to negotiate an alliance with liberal secularists. How did they justify such a pragmatic deal? The enemy of my enemy is my friend, one of them explained to us. They can both agree on a short-term political agenda: countering the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood and getting the army out of politics. And what about the imposition of Sharia law? The leader of the Salafi Al-Nour Party noted that his party is comfortable with the conservative nature of Egyptian society so a campaign to impose sharia law is unnecessary. They can be satisfied (at least for the time being) with the existing language of Article 2 of the Constitution which states that the principles of Islamic shariah will guide the state. This kind of pragmatic politics is deeply disturbing to the Costa Salafis a young generation of Salafis whose makeshift headquarters is in a Costa cafe. They denounce their elders not so much for being willing to compromise, which they readily accept as part of the new politics, but of failing to articulate through fatwas the religious basis for those compromises. Its as if the Salafi leadership, propelled onto the political stage for the first time, has become unplugged and feels able to do whatever is necessary in the political realm to protect its community of social  conservatives. They reminded me of the religious parties in Israel! Meanwhile, the Muslim Brotherhood is busy making its own compromises with the military and with other liberal parties that would enable its Freedom and Justice Party to build a governing and empowered coalition (at the moment, they can control the parliament but until its powers are defined in the constitution and the military hands over power, they cannot control the government). Whereas the Salafis are looking to constrain the Muslim Brotherhood, the MB is focused on how to ease fears of its intentions. After operating for eighty years in the political wilderness, the MB has learned just how fragile this moment could turn out to be. Thats why its leadership is more willing to compromise with the military than the other parties to its left and right. Consequently, the other parties fear that the MB will sell them out to the military in some sweetheart deal that compromises the revolution and their abilities to use democratic rules of the game to constrain the MB and hold the military accountable. This tension will likely manifest itself in the massive demonstrations that are expected on January 25 in Tahrir Square to commemorate the first anniversary of the Revolution. The military and the MB have called for a celebration, complete with party balloons and patriotic songs. Youth activists and some liberal parties, particularly exercised by the eighty some demonstrators who were killed by the police and the army in crackdowns in November and December last year, are calling for a demonstration against military rule. Some of the far-left revolutionary youth are calling for a campaign of violence. The way the January 25 demonstrations play out will be only one of the ways in which square politics and party politics interact in Egypts newly dynamic democracy. All the parties feel that they can claim legitimacy from the peoples mandates that they have received in the elections. This empowers them to stand up to the military in demanding that it leave the political arena promptly and allow Egyptian democracy to have its day. If the military focuses only on protecting its narrow interests (e.g., retaining its business interests, claiming immunity from prosecution for  past actions, demanding only responsibility for protecting the states borders), then a reasonable compromise can be fashioned. However, if the military insists on specifying reserve powers in the constitution and protecting its budget from civilian oversight, then the people know the way back to Tahrir Square. As one newly-elected parliamentarian put it: We are legitimate now; the army is not. And what about the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty? We didnt raise the issue they did. It came up in most conversations in the following way: We have been elected by the people. Were responsible to them. The people want stability, above all. They want the police back in the streets and calm and predictability restored to their daily lives. We dont like the way Israel treats the Palestinians. We dont like the price that Israel pays for Egyptian gas. But were not going to mess with the peace treaty. That sentiment is so widely shared that one of the heads of the Muslim Brotherhood could declare to the New York Times last week that the peace treaty is a commitment of the state, and therefore will be respected. The sense of responsibility that rests on the shoulders of those who would govern 87 million people is palpable. They know the severe economic straits that they will have to confront. They know that neither tourists nor foreign investment will return to Egypt unless there is a clear commitment to stability. And they know the people will not forgive them if they fail to address their basic needs for order, jobs and housing. In short, newly-elected Egyptian politicians the Muslim Brotherhood first and foremost understand that they have to make a choice between feeding the people and fighting Israel, and for the time being they have made a conscious choice of bread over bombs. The fact that Palestine is not a priority for the Egyptian people has been manifest since the early days of the revolution. It was underscored for me during a lecture I gave at the American University in Cairo, just off Tahrir Square. A Palestinian student, draped in a Palestinian flag, stood with a makeshift banner in silent protest at the front of the hall. Despite this prominent reminder, during the ensuing ninety-minute QA session with  students and journalists no-one asked a question about Palestine. To be sure, theres always the risk that populist politicians will outbid each other in their demagoguery on the Palestinian issue, especially if Israeli-Palestinian violence flares. But Israel is particularly sensitive to this possibility and the Muslim Brotherhood is apparently signaling its Hamas branch to keep things quiet too. (With 350 trucks a day passing from Israel into Gaza, and smuggling of weapons through the tunnels continuing apace, Hamas has its own reasons for maintaining the current de facto ceasefire with Israel.) What was perhaps most striking to me, however, was the attitude of the new political class to the United States. I had expected to encounter hostility after all the United States had been Mubaraks staunch ally through the three decades of his Pharaohnic rule. I had assumed that the Islamist politicians in particular would be antagonistic towards American influence in post-revolutionary Egypt, just as the Iranian clerics have manifested intense antagonism towards the United States since their revolution. Yet Egypts Islamists all seemed keen to engage with the United States government. The Muslim Brotherhood was trying to understand President Obamas intentions in demanding that the military hand over power to civilian (i.e. Muslim Brotherhood) rule, expeditiously. They werent sure how to deal with the fact that Bill Burns, the Deputy Secretary of State, had just met with their leadership. But one thing they were very certain about they need U.S. economic assistance and U.S. help in mobilizing international assistance. They were therefore quite anxious to know how Congress would treat them. Because of this new U.S. Government engagement with their arch-rivals, the Salafis too are seeking American recognition. Their leaders are keen to come to Washington to explain their intentions. They even appear willing to engage with Israel to establish their bona fides one of their leaders recently gave an interview to Israeli Army Radio.

Creationism in Public Education Essay -- Religion

A hotly debated topic these past few years centers on the origin of life. Now more than ever, science and religion are butting heads trying to come up with a conclusion, and one that public schools would teach to their students. Alex Rainert, meanwhile, reasons that both â€Å"science and religion are engaged in the same project, to discover the origin of life† (141). In short, one could better describe the debate as a crusade between evolutionists and creationists. Both sides have their well-founded arguments, but when one looks at the decisions of the courts, clearly only one side may win the battle when deciding biology curriculum in schools. Despite the overwhelming number of people in favor of teaching creationism in public schools, it may be better to leave science classes free from matters of religious belief. In 2004, Sharpes and Peramas report that â€Å"nearly two-thirds of all Americans surveyed favored teaching creationism together with evolution in schools,† according to a poll organized by CBS Broadcasting (qtd. in Costley and Killins). Thus, it seems as if the public has bought into the fair play argument proposed by creationists. After all, why not have a place to teach equally credible theories of the origin of life in schools? (Eldredge 634). Chet Raymo, a noted science professor of physics and astronomy at Stonehill College, rejects this notion, stating, â€Å"one might as well give equal billing to those who believe the Earth is flat† since creationism stands on little factual ground (156). At any rate, the U.S. Supreme Court illustrates that teaching creationism puts pressure on minorities to conform to the obviously favored religion when the power of the government backs up the theory (qtd. in Anti-Defamation League ... ...ligion Will Transform Your Life and Our World. New York: Penguin Group, 2007. Print. Eldredge, Niles. â€Å"Creationism Isn’t Science.† The Conscious Reader. 6th ed. Ed. D. Anthony English and Eben Ludlow. Needham Heights: Simon & Schuster, 1995. 633-638. Print. Hickman, Cleveland Pendleton. Integrated Principles of Zoology, sixth edition. St. Louis: The C. V. Mosby Company, 1979. Print. "Of Darwin, Dover and (un)intelligent design: scholar says the future of science— and Church-State separation--are at stake in the creationism/evolution conflict." Church & State 62.2 (2009): 10+. General OneFile. Web. 23 Feb. 2012. Rainert, Alex. â€Å"Creationism V. Evolutionism in America’s Public Schools.† Cooke 138- 41. Print. Raymo, Chet. Skeptics and True Believers: The Exhilarating Connection Between Science and Religion. Walker Publishing Company, Inc., 1998. Print.

Analysis And Interpretation Of Henry

Over time he becomes more and ore jealous, since his wife appreciates the doll more than him and therefore he decides to get rid of the doll. There are many themes in the story, such as marriage, jealousy and childish behavior. The genre is very comical as there is an exaggeration of the turmoil that can OCCUr in a marriage. It can be seen that it is a short Story by: There are few persons It is a sudden beginning/ in medias rest It is a short story It has an open ending, because it leaves the reader in uncertainty.Living with his wife and the doll Henry, the narrator becomes more and more jealous and starts hating both of them, especially Henry with his well-bred smile. He is very aware of the fact that his wife loves and appreciates Henry the doll more than him and that Henry is better looking than him, which he himself says, â€Å"In our tiny kitchen he towered above my puny height of five foot nothing. He looked handsome and smart with his green vinyl suit and firm jaw† (I I. 13-14 p. 2). You can tell by her tone when she speaks with her husband that she does not love and appreciate her husband as much as she loves and appreciates Henry.This is also seen in the quote â€Å"HERE, LET ME DO IT. You're 3 p. 2)†. She says that he is useless, which she also mentions several times through the story. The following quote shows that the wife appreciate Henry more because she buys better gifts to the doll Henry compared to what she buys to her husband: â€Å"At Christmas, my wife bought me a set of kitchen skewers and a potato-peeler. Henry got a checked cap, a long tartan scarf and a smart pair of driving gloves† (II. 3-4 p. 3). By this you can see how much more the wife appreciate the doll rather than her husband.In this short story, there is an omniscient first-person narrator, as the narrator acts as a first-person narrator and because he knows about his fife's feelings, this can be seen in the following quote â€Å"My wife screamed with hatr ed†(al. 10 p. 3). In this quote it can be seen that he describes the way and the feeling his wife had when she screamed. It can also be seen in the quote â€Å"She gazed with admiration as the figure slowly grew to full size† (II. 12 p. 2). In this quote he knows about her feelings, as he describes how she gazed as the figure slowly grew to full size.The narrator seems to be mentally unstable, because he has a childish behavior. This can be seen in the quote â€Å"He had a triumphant smile upon his lips† (II. 21 p. 4). He attaches the doll human-like behavior, when he mentions the triumphant smile, which he does several times. This makes him very depressive, because he has a negative view on life, which can be seen by all the many negative adjectives he assigns his wife. He is afraid of being alone and abandoned; therefore he does not leave her in the beginning, even though she treats him badly.The narrator has a subjective interpretation of reality, because ther e is an exaggeration of the turmoil that can occur in the marriage. The main purpose of buying Henry is to use it to frighten off muggers- the wife mentions. It is going to sit beside the wife when she is driving, but Henry has gained more importance, since the wife acts like Henry is her new husband. At some point it becomes too much for her husband and that is why he wants to get rid of Henry. Eventually when his wife sees what he has done, she begins crying.At some point he hears her crying and then he repairs Henry, â€Å"Moved by her hysterical cries, I ran for my puncture kit and made a hasty repair. After much huffing and puffing at the pump, Henry was restored to his full 13-14 p. 3). The author has a humorous style of writing, which makes the text entertaining. An example might be the episode where the wife explains that she bought Henry to frighten off muggers, when she is driving. Here occurs a humorous comment from her husband â€Å"l smiled. My wife frighten off mugge rs without the help of a dummy† (II. 7 p. 2). The use of humor is also a way of distancing oneself from painful experiences. His own wife frightens the narrator; â€Å"l decided to wander round for a bit. Didn't want to be there when she discovered that he was missing. I smirked to myself. She was crazy about Henry. She would kill me if she knew what I had done† (II. 5-7 p. 4). The atmosphere in the couple's house, is unstable and filled with jealousy, because it seems like they are getting divorced. You would also expect that they would be getting a divorce in any moment. At Christmas, my wife cap, a long tartan scarf and a smart pair of driving gloves† (II. 34 p. 3) â€Å"He deserves them,' she said, ‘you're just useless! † (II. 5 p. 3) â€Å"A great surge of anger rose up in me. How I hated them both† (II. 6 p. 3) From the quotes above, it can be seen that the mood in the house is hateful. The reason they are together is not because they lov e each other, but because their title as a aired couple. Their relationship becomes more and more hateful when the man makes it worse by adding Henry human characteristics.